Ownership of Media; and Generation & Portrayal of Crisis

Vishakha Dey, Thursday, 02 October 2003

INTRODUCTION

Crisis can be defined as a disruption, real or perceived, of social order. It is a condition of instability, as in social, economic, political or international affairs, leading to a decisive change.

The labeling of a situation as a ‘crisis’ or not, and the structuring and presentation of it in the public sphere has become an important function of the mass media. The role of media varies according to the nature of the crisis and the society concerned 1.

Presentational techniques such as packaging of news, the context, space and importance allocated, omissions and highlighting of elements, related facts and other media convention influences a conflict. News coverage can influence the way people relate to a situation.

This paper tries to understand how the social actors having control over the means of communication can influence the minds of the audience. It looks into how the provoking of a crisis can lead to a form of empowerment or social control, through the utilisation of the media. It studies the communication policies followed by the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) to generate public support for its empowerment.

CONTEXT

The Indian crisis as it exists today is a multi-dimensional one with various aspects such as social inequality, communal conflict, exploitation of the downtrodden etc. In the political sphere the Congress party has been the dominant player since the post-independent era. It has occupied a pivotal position of India's single-party dominant system. During the 70s, under Indira Gandhi's regime, the Congress realised that it no longer commanded a social consensus, and began to resort to coercive force to maintain its dominance.

This had generated a situation of instability and flux in the multi-party democratic system of India. A political force like the Congress when faced with challenge from other up-coming political parties faced a 'crisis of hegemony'. Also the failure on the part of Congress in terms of effectiveness, as per the expectations of the people fostered a 'crisis of legitimacy'. It is this crisis that provided the context for the Hindutva movement 2.

Hindutva, which is the quintessence of the 'Hindu culture', acquired a religio-politic undertone following the BJP's adoption of it as an emotive political slogan. BJP activists insist that it is a non-religious assertion of India's cultural cohesion.

The BJP emerged as the single largest opposition party in the 1991 elections. It emerged as the largest party in Parliament following the 1996 elections and was in power for 13 days. After the February 1998 elections the BJP is back in power heading a 20-party coalition.

The Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) emerged as an organisation articulating Hindu revivalism in 1925 under Keshav Baliram Hedgewar. It has sought to consolidate the Hindu community from within. The Bajrang Dal, Akhil Bharatiya Vidyarthi Parishad (ABVP) and the Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP) are the most prominent among the 80 plus affiliates of the RSS in various fields working to change the 'attitudes' of the people.

BJP, the only political front of the RSS, has appointed itself the advocate of, what it regards as, the right of the Hindu majority. It denounces what it claims to have been the systematic "pampering" of religious minorities by the Indian National Congress and other parties, in return of votes.

During the early 1980s this spirit became focussed on a campaign for the 'moving' of the Babri Masjid, and the construction of a temple at this site at Ayodhya in Uttar Pradesh. In 1990, Mr. Lal Krishna Advani went on a nationwide Rath Yatra, which culminated halfway, when he was arrested and placed under house arrest. This resulted in a confrontation between the BJP activists and the security forces resulting in many a loss of life. After the 1991 elections, the BJP renewed its campaign to build the Ram Mandir at the disputed site of Ramjanmabhoomi-Babri Masjid. A series of incidents finally culminated with the demolition of the mosque by the kar sewaks on December 6, 1992. This lead to communal riots in many cities all over India, which claimed the lives of a large number of people, particularly those belonging to the Muslim community.

OWNERSHIP PATTERNS

Media systems control our access to production, distribution, and consumption of information. Therefore to understand the media it is important to understand who owns these means of communication. In India, a few business houses own chains of daily newspapers in English and also in the vernacular languages and corner a substantial portion of the total circulation. In 1991, as many as 21,610 different newspapers were published by 2,445 individuals in the country 3. Another shift in the concentration of ownership and control in newspapers is the forming of joint stock companies and conglomeration of companies.

If we further look at it from community point of view, it is the Marwari business houses, which have assumed major control over the newspapers. The Times of India group of Sahu Jain is the largest publishing corporate house. The Goenka industrial house owns the Indian Express group, and its dailies are published from as many as nine main urban areas. The house of the Birlas, are the owners of the Anand Bazar group.

Out of the 300 English newspapers published in India, only one, Mid-Day of Bombay, belongs to a Muslim family, and furthermore it is more a tabloid than a mainstream newspaper 4. Of the hundreds of weekly and monthly papers very few of significance belong to Muslims.

Saiyid Hamid's fortnightly, Nation has been a heroic venture but it is still struggling to survive. Shahabuddin's monthly Muslim India has managed for more than two decades but sill faces many problems and is shunned by many 5.

The national dailies, particularly the ones in English have generally refrained from overplaying communal issues. However, the Hindi and regional language newspapers tend to adopt an anti-Muslim bias in reporting communal events, and the Urdu press adopts a 'defensive' communalist and sectarian stance.

PRODUCTION OF PROPAGANDA

The democratic postulate is that the media are independent and committed for the quest of truth, however the fact is that the media reflect the world, the way it is crafted by a powerful few.

In this connection, the findings of a Journalism Alumni Survey conducted in Delhi in 1988 shows the various factors, which contribute to making up the news. The survey was conducted on media professionals employed in various institutions in Delhi. Of the 72 respondents, 88.9% journalists were not 'absolutely free to report as per their conscience'. Among the sources of pressure and interference they identified, proprietors (85.9%) and government (82.2%) were at the top, followed by editors (70.3%), political parties (60.9%), advertisers (48.4%) and trade unions (26.6%).(Epan and Thakur, 1989) 6

A recent example of this is the series of articles carried by the Times of India, regarding human rights violation, by the Enforcement Directorate (ED). It was almost a sustained campaign carried against the ED. It is interesting to note that the ED was probing an alleged FERA violation case against Ashok Jain.

Therefore we see that owners of media influence the content and form of messages, by their decisions. Also advertising being a major revenue source for the media, the media systems are linked to the market. The institution of media is very much involved with the state.

The media are the channels for the transmission of political information and debate. They are important players in the government's policies, regulation and decisions, and governments have always sought to control the press and the airways and have regulated the media. The state media are often directly financed by the government and consequently follow its dictates. Accordingly the news in Doordarshan primarily focuses on government related activities, some of which are daily trivial issues of ministers at functions, and the criticism of the ruling party is usually ruled out.

BJP AND THE MEDIA

The BJP holds the idea that India is inherently a 'Hindu' state, and has been trying to equate this identity with being an Indian at an overall national level. The RSS, BJP, VHP, Bajrang Dal and Shiv Sena have been attempting to form a majority 'consensus' on various issues. This involves the structuring of Indian society based on Hindu values.

Doordarshan has also primarily been a representation of a Hindu India. Television serials, Mahabharata and Ramayana were two principal serials, which reinforced the Hindu-centricity of Doordarshan. These two programmes have propagated the Hindu religion as the national image. The circulation of the Hindu heroes into the domesticity of nearly 90 per cent of Indian homes has re-emphasised the 'Hinduness' of India and consequently, the 'unIndianness' of non-Hindus. Currently there are a variety of programmes projecting Hindu mythology like Om Nama Shivaya, Jai Hanuman, Shri Krishna, etc., running on the national network at prime-time slots.

Various social groups in the sub-continent have dealt with Ramayana, or the narrative of Rama, in a variety of ways in the past. According to Indo-Anglian writer K.R. Sreenivasa Iyengar, the number of versions of the Ramayana may range anywhere from 3,000 to 30,000. But today it is virtually seen only as a single religious concept, the concept that Doordarshan has explained to us. In the popular television serial Mahabharata, India has been re-defined as the Bharat of Mahabharata.

The extent to which this has been used to achieve political gains can be understood from the following report describing the campaign strategy of BJP candidate, Deepika Chikhalia, the actress who played the role of Sita in Ramayana.

'Jai Sri Ram, Bharat Mata Ki Jai' is how she begins her campaign speech, a clenched fist raised to illustrate her new ideology. Deepika gets away with language problem with: 'I will address you in the language you hear me speaking on television'. In Padra, a non-Hindi speaking region of Gujarat, a 15,000 strong crowd braved the scorching May heat for hours just for a real-life darshan of the tele-goddess 7. The actor who played the role of Lord Krishna in Mahabharata, Nitish Bharadwaj is now a sitting BJP MP.

For the present BJP-dominated government in power, establishing their hegemony over the media has been an important objective. The centre has shown their preferences of a state-controlled radio and television, rather than open its doors to the market forces. Decisions such as withdrawal of permission for private FM radio and attempts to halt Star TV is a reflection of this.

The RSS has been involved with the media over a number of decades. In the early years it engaged in the establishment of newspapers and periodicals through its bodies and other front organisations. This included the English newspaper the Organiser, which was establised in 1947, a Hindi weekly Panchjanya and a Marathi weekly Rashtrasakthi. By the mid-fifties, the RSS had established print-based media in 12 languages, which was of course used as a primary instrument to put forward the RSS message and ideology.

It is also interesting to note that RSS was a major player in the establishment of the first vernacular press agency, the Hindustan Samachar. The Samachar served 41 RSS-affiliated newspapers and periodicals and a number of non-RSS-related media institutions. This agency was an important element in the communication network of the RSS. 8

The party has also extensively used the 'little media' to reach out to the people. During Advani's rath yatra there was door-to-door campaigning to mobilise the people. Videocassettes, slide displays, distribution of audiocassettes, were used to popularise the cause of Ramjanmabhoomi.

In 1997, the all-India publicity in charge of the RSS, Srikant Joshi, discussed the predominance of the Left ideology in the print media and commenced on a plan of making journalists into RSS sympathisers. As Purushottam Aggarwal, Hindi Professor at Jawaharlal Nehru University (JNU), insists: "The RSS recognises the fact that if you don't hegemonise the centres of opinion-making and dissemination of information, you can't influence the thought process. Therefore they capture the media and academics." 9

The link between media and politics is now a well-established fact. Today everyone seems to be adopting the trend of marketing and Public Relations policy. Governments have begun to use carefully crafted communication and strategies to ensure that their messages reach out to the people the way they want it.

In the last general elections the BJP had a seven crore budget for the press - which is handled in-house. A 70-second film, 'Neta Bas Ek Atal Ho', which projects Vajpayee as a seasoned parliamentarian and a viable candidate for prime ministership was beamed in 1000 movie theatres all over India and local cable networks. Today the BJP also has its own website on the Internet, www.bjp.org that is visited by people all over including US based journalists 10. Incidentally, the BJP was the first political party in India to have its own web-site.

Until a few years back, there was a channel called the Jain television, which primarily telecast Hindu mythological serials. The Jain studio also produced a video called, Ayodhya, 6 December 1992, Kyon Huva? Kisna Kiya? Kyon Kiya? We shall try to analyse a few things to see how they justify their conduct through this video.

The video opens with a montage of lotus, Om, trishul and other Hindu symbols. It then begins with the words 'Satyameva Jayate', which means - the truth shall prevail. Among the first few visuals shown is the Indian Army taking part in a parade, immediately after which we see a platoon of the RSS volunteers marching forward, thereby directly equating their role to that of nation builders.

Throughout the film it is time and again explained that the RSS volunteers were actively involved in trying to check the roaring crowd, who were involved in violating the law and order. But repeated requests by the leaders failed to have an effect on the Ram bhakts.

The act of bringing down the mosque was later explained to be "an expression of pent-up anger, an outburst of accumulated anger against the injustice". It proclaimed 'apmaan ka aag is prakaar ubhar padtha hain' (this is how the burning fire of humiliation faced over the years explodes). The chief minister Kalyan Singh, belonging to the BJP, is portrayed as being a man of great moral character. When informed that efforts at persuading the kar sevaks to desist from demolishing the structure had failed, and that saving the structure had become impossible without resorting to firing, he forthwith resigned. Kalyan Singh's role is appreciated repeatedly stressing that firing would have resulted in the re-enactment of the Jallianwala Bagh. The chief minister is portrayed as a national hero who gave up his seat of power by taking the entire blame of the incident on himself.

The act of the kar sevaks is justified by stating that the government, which stood in their way of building the temple, had humiliated them. They felt that the temple construction was being thwarted and that an attempt was being made to erode their credibility in the eyes of the society.

The film also says that the last phase of the demolition and the installation of the Ram Lalla idols, and erection of a temporary temple happened after the Centre had taken over the administration from the state government. This is explained by saying that "Kendriya Sarkar bhi ram bhakto ko rokne me saksham na ho saki". The sound track comprises of patriotic songs, Ram bhakti vandanas and slogans of 'Jai Shri Ram'.

It is further said that various Hindu artifacts belonging to the "original Ram Mandir" were found from the debris, and this is justified by an interview with an archeological expert. Also there are various interviews of people who had come to Ayodhya from all over the country. The ones who lost their lives were addressed as parakrami vir and balidaniyon meaning valiant heroes and martyrs respectively. Ironically, this film begins and ends with the words, Sarvapanthasamabhava (equality towards all religions).

The film is essentially a one-sided picture of the entire event. From the very start it is taken as an established fact that a mandir existed in the place, and all that occurred was a natural consequence of the Hindu sentiments being played with. The film essentially proves that 'the camera does lie' cause it sees only what it chooses to. The other side of the picture is kept totally out of frame in the documentary.

We now further look at the BJP's use of the print media by studying examples from the magazine Organiser, which is the mouthpiece of the RSS.

The December 5, 1993 issue carried an editorial with the headline 'The golden sunrise of December 6', which says, "The Ramjanmabhoomi movement rejuvenated the almost morbid Hindu society… a whole new generation of Hindus woke to a new realisation. No longer was it a matter of shame to be born a Hindu. A section of the awakened Hindu society, proud of being Hindu, converged on the banks of the Sarayu, which was harnessed, ridiculed, bullied and riddled by bullets. The furious rebound corrected a historical wrong on December 6."

The editorial further says that, there is a lesson for all political parties in the December 6 episode. "Ram is the embodiment of all that is good and noble in this land. Babur was an aggressor. Ramjanmabhoomi is sacred to all Hindus. While there can be no place for a majority-minority syndrome in Indian politics, the natural aspirations of the nation represented by the Hindus cannot be overlooked" 11. This statement itself is contradictory in character because on one hand it says that there is no place for differentiation between the majority and minority, whereas on the other hand it makes an assertion of safeguarding the aspirations of the Hindus.

The role of the RSS according to the Organiser is, "to put society back on the tracks whenever it strays from the path of dharma, by people who by their devotion and sacrifice could rise above political leadership" 12.

Rajjubhayya in an interview says that the Ramjanmabhoomi movement is a step in the right direction being a movement to forge a strong, united country which is held together by a common cultural heritage. He further states that Ayodhya has brought people of different sects, faiths and different regions together, and the movement would unite Hindus and Muslims together if everyone sees it in the larger perspective of national resurgence" 13.

In an article 'Why Kar sevaks were angry', Dr. S. V. Sesnagiri goes on to explain that the Ayodhya movement should not be viewed from the simplistic angle of building a temple. It was a revolt against 'pseudo-secularism and against deliberate suppression' of the Hindu identity of Independent India 14.

CONCLUSION

The above few extracts are used here to bring to light how the RSS utilises the Organiser to propagate its ideology and beliefs. The Organiser essentially talks of the greatness of the Hindu culture, its depletion in the present day context, the danger from the Muslims, and of course the proposed Ram mandir at Ayodhya. It presents archeological evidences to prove that a mandir did exist at the disputed site, comparison charts of Hindu-Muslim population figures, atrocities against Hindus, statistics of temples demolished, and of course articles propagating Hindutva - the ideal way of living.

In today's television age, politicians have perfected the art of getting across to the audience. A total of 122 hours was allotted to each political party during the last general elections 15, which churned out a breed of politicians, savvy and tuned to give in their best on the screen.

Among the various political parties, the BJP has mastered the art of using the media to the fullest extent 16. It was this party that evoked heartfelt hostility in vast sections of the press, and yet has managed to project itself as a reasonable group of individuals. The oratory skills of most of its leaders, such as Vajpayee's sense of timing of pauses and gaps during his speeches, help project a certain commitment and conviction on the part of the party.

From the different examples stated in this paper, we see that the ownership of the media does affect the representation. This proves that the media has a very close relation with crisis and that the social players by means of media propagate their views and influence the minds of the people.

FOOTNOTES

01. Raboy Marc and Dagenais Bernard; Media, Crisis and Democracy, "Media and the Politics of Crisis", Sage, 1995
02. Bose Sumantra; "Hindu Nationalism and the Crisis of the Indian State", Nationalism, Democracy and Development-State and Politics in India, Delhi, Oxford University Press,1997
03. Wadwani Manohar R; Introduction to Mass Communication and Mass Media, "Press Ownership, and Censorship and Magazines"; Seth Publishers, 1998 pg 148
04. Zakaria Rafiq; The Widening Divide, "The role of the media" Vinking New Delhi pg 269
05. Zakaria Rafiq; The Widening Divide, "The role of the media" Vinking New Delhi pg 269
06. "Freedom, responsibility and ethics in Indian Journalism" in Yadav K.P (Ed.) of Encylopaedia of Mass Communication Vol 3, Sarup and Sons, New Delhi, 1998, pg 95
07. India Today May 15 1991
08. Thomas Pradip N: "Media and politics of revivalism in India", Media Development, Vol XXXIX, 3/92, (pg 29)
09. "Inside the RSS" Outlook Volume IV, No 16,April 27, 1998 (pg 22)
10. India Today Vol XXIII, No 5, February 2, 1998 "Hardselling the Parties"
11. Organiser, Vol. XLV, no. December 5, 1993 (pg 2)
12. Organiser, Vol XLIV, No. 33, March 21, 1993
13. Organiser vol XLIV No 33 March 21 93
14. Organiser vol XLIV 33, March 21, 93
15. India Today Vol XXIII No 5, February 2, 1998, "Hardselling the Parties"
16. Seminar Issue No 454, June 1997, "The camera has two faces" Barkha W ^

BIBLIOGRAPHY

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http://indiatogether.org/2004/dec/med-rajagopal.htm
Arvind Rajagopal, the author of Politics after Television,talks to Chitrangada Choudhury of www.indiatogether.org